South Africa Decide 2019

The African National Congress (ANC)

On the 8th May 2019, Africa's strongest democracy, South Africa will go to the polls to vote for their national and provincial officers. Over 26,756,898 million South Africans eligible voters will decide whether to continue the 25 years reign of the African National Congress (ANC) or a change of guard. More than 40 political parties are registered for the national and provincial elections but the race will surely be between the three major political parties namely, the African National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Party (EFF). More pics after cut...



 The Economic Freedom Fighter (EFF)

According to Pre-Elections analysis, the ANC will still win the coming elections with the Economic Freedom Fighter (EFF) acquiring more votes and parliamentary/provincial seats with the consolation of  a Premiership while the Democratic Alliance (DA) might lose some seats that were traditional grounds of the ANC.



 The Democratic Alliance (DA)

One basic thing about the South African politics and the coming elections is that arguments and campaigns are policies and issues revolving around education, Land, economy, job creation, provision of housing and infrastructural development unlike what is seen in West and East Africa where political violence, rigging and buying of votes coupled with hate speech are the order of electioneering.

The Top Presidential Contestants:

 
 Cyril Ramaphosa (ANC)

Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa was born on 17 November 1952 in Johannesburg. His family was moved from Western Native Township to Soweto in 1962, where he attended Tshilidzi Primary School. He completed high school at Mphaphuli High School in Sibasa, Venda in 1971. He registered to study law at the University of the North in 1972, where he became involved in student politics, joining the South African Student Organisation (SASO) and the Black People’s Convention (BPC). He was detained in solitary confinement for 11 months in 1974 under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act for organising pro-Frelimo rallies. He was detained for the second time and held for six months in 1976 following the Soweto student uprising. While a law clerk for a Johannesburg firm of attorneys, he continued his studies through the University of South Africa (UNISA) obtaining his B. Proc degree in 1981. He then joined the Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA) as a legal advisor. In 1982, at the request of the Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA) he founded the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) with James Motlatsi and Elijah Barayi, and became the union’s first General Secretary. He was instrumental in building NUM into the most powerful union at the time, with membership rising from 6 000 to 300 000 during his tenure. He led mineworkers in one of the biggest strikes in South Africa’s history in 1987.

As NUM General Secretary he was instrumental in the establishment of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), and played a prominent role in the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) when COSATU joined forces with the United Democratic Front (UDF) against the apartheid government. He went into hiding in July 1986 after the declaration of a state of emergency.

He was later appointed chairperson of the Reception Committee to receive Rivonia trialists and in January 1990 accompanied released ANC political prisoners to Lusaka, Zambia. He served as chairperson of the National Reception Committee, which coordinated arrangements for the release of Nelson Mandela and subsequent welcome rallies within South Africa.

Following the unbanning of the ANC, in 1991 he was elected ANC Secretary General at its first national conference in over 30 years. He became head of the ANC’s negotiation team at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) and the subsequent multi-party talks.

Following South Africa’s first democratic elections on 27 April 1994, he became a Member of Parliament and was elected as Chairperson of the Constitutional Assembly. In that position, he was responsible for overseeing the drafting of South Africa’s internationally acclaimed first democratic Constitution. In 2009, this contribution was recognised with the award of the National Order of the Baobab in Silver.

On completion of the Constitution drafting process, he left Parliament and his position as ANC Secretary General to move into business, joining New Africa Investments Limited. In 2001, he established Shanduka Group as a black-owned investment holding company, building up a diverse portfolio of listed and unlisted assets.

In 2004, he established the Shanduka Foundation, focusing on education and small business development. The Foundation, which has since changed its name to Cyril Ramaphosa Foundation, comprises Adopt-a-School Foundation, Black Umbrellas and the Cyril Ramaphosa Education Trust. He is co-chairperson of the Advisory Board of the Kagiso Shanduka Trust, which is in partnership with the Free State Department of Education on a programme to develop schools in the province.

He gained a wide range of business experience serving on the boards of some of Shanduka’s investee companies and other companies.  He was a member of the United Nations Global Leadership Group that advised the Secretary General’s Special Representative on Business and Human Rights. He has received several awards. He was awarded the Olof Palme prize in October 1987 in Stockholm. In October 1991 he was a visiting Professor of Law at Stanford University in the United States.

He has received honorary doctorates from the University of Natal, the University of Port Elizabeth, the University of Cape Town, the University of the North, the University of Lesotho, the University of Venda and the University of Massachusetts (USA). He is currently the Chancellor of the University of Mpumalanga. He was the first Deputy Chairman of the Commonwealth Business Council. He was Vice Chairman of the Global Business Coalition on HIV/AIDS.

Mr Ramaphosa was appointed, along with former Finnish President Maarti Ahtisaari, as a weapons inspector in Northern Ireland. He also sat on the International Commission of Intervention and State Sovereignty and the UN Secretary General’s Panel on International Support to NEPAD. He was appointed Deputy Chairperson of the National Planning Commission in 2010, a body created to draft a long-term national development plan for South Africa. In December 2012, he was elected ANC Deputy President at the ANC’s 53rd National Conference in Mangaung. He was appointed Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa on 25 May 2014. In December 2017, he was elected 13th ANC President at the 54th National Conference in Johannesburg.

President Cyril Ramaphosa was sworn in as President of the Republic of South Africa on Thursday 15 February 2018 following the resignation of President Jacob Zuma.

 Mmusi Maimane (DA)

Mmusi Maimane may be one of the most hated figures in local politics.
His contemporaries think he is a sell out, his political foes regard him as a ‘yes man’ to the DA&39;s white woman (Helen Zille) and many among the rest of the black majority consider him sceptically.
Born in Krugersdorp 33 years ago on June 6, Maimane is one of the youngest leaders in South African politics today.
The official opposition party in Parliament, the Democratic Alliance, has Mmusi as its main man in the political struggle to control Gauteng. Maimane is the party’s premier candidate for the country’s richest province.
While he’s not campaigning for the DA, he is an active family man at home.
The Wits graduate is a father of two in a family of a black dad and a white mom in the surbub of Weltevreden Park, west of Johannesburg.
He sometimes takes his daughter, who is the eldest of the two offspring, to work when he can, to administer what could easily be perceived as political education.
“My kids must be engaged with issues that concern black South Africans. So I take my daughter, because she is able to now, on campaign trails. We go to informal settlements…I want her there. She must know, the world has multiple variants,” Maimane says.
The household orientated man who has been likened to the American president, Barack Obama, in his public speaking oratory style, emphasises the importance of being an insightful frame of reference to children.
“I want to model my kids to the new South Africa that we want to see, that they must be able to walk in any context and treat the human being as the human being. I teach my kids respect, not because it’s a black thing, but because it is a respect issue.”
When Maimane decided to marry his wife, Natalie, bringing her home meant a lot of work to defuse the inevitable cultural shock that comes with most cross cultural marriages.
He says however, his family was supportive in easing Natalie into the black family dynamics.
“We were at a funeral once. My wife and a cousin of mine stood in a line to get food after the processions. In the black culture, in events like funerals, all women have to be working either helping in the kitchen or anywhere there maybe a shortage of hands. My grandmother arrived to give both my cousin and my wife a tongue lashing, that they stood in the queue while everybody was working,” Mmusi remembers.
“That confirmed for me that they didn’t see her through the colour of her skin. But as a woman who is part of the family”
Mmusi Maimane will become Gauteng premier if the DA wins the most votes in the province after the May 7 polls.

 Julius Malema (EFF)

Julius Malema, the firebrand leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), is arguably South Africa’s greatest political provocateur.
Malema, who, not too long ago, swapped his green and black African National Congress (ANC) fatigues for a Red Beret embodying revolutionary rhetoric, is a political journalist’s dream come true. In stark contrast, the rabble-rouser, with his controversial statements regarding race, land rights and revolution, has become somewhat of a nightmare for conservative South Africans.
Mention of Julius Malema immediately elicits fury and apprehension from political parties and concerned citizens.
Feeding off controversy, Malema and his confrontational band of Red Berets have sent shockwaves through South Africa’s political landscape. While his political party only managed to gather 6% of votes at the last national elections, recent surveys have pointed to a momentous upswell of support for Malema amongst the disenfranchised black youth of South Africa.

On 3 March 1981, Julius Sello Malema was born in Seshego, Limpopo, to a single mother who worked as a domestic worker to make ends meet. Malema grew up poor, and cites the socioeconomic strife endured by his mother as an overarching reason for his interest in politics.
Malema attended Mohlakaneng High School in Seshego and went on to complete a two-year diploma in youth development through the University of South Africa (UNISA) in 2010. The following year, he re-enrolled at UNISA, this time undertaking a Bachelor of Arts degree in Communications and African languages.
Malema has praised his grandmother, Sarah, for laying the foundations of resistance and self-worth during his formative years. In a recent radio interview, Malema revealed that his grandmother had been labelled a witch for standing up to injustices and defending her grandson’s honour. This left a lasting impression on Malema, who explained:


Some would say that their children won’t be expelled because of a son of a witch‚ a poor low life‚ referring to Malema.
I was insulted from a tender age. I learned early in life that the ultimate outcome might be death‚ imprisonment or being characterised as a terrorist or something like that.”
Malema admits that he knows nothing about his biological father, explaining that even on her deathbed, his mother refused to divulge any information.
Malema has also stated that, because of her supportive influence on him as a child, his grandmother’s needs are always taken care of, saying:

Malema’s political career began at the tender age of nine. He joined the African National Congress’ Masupatsela (Trailblazers) movement at a time when the country’s political landscape was experiencing a tumultuous genesis. According to Malema, he was tasked with removing National Party (NP) posters placed outside police stations, in the runup to South Africa’s first democratic elections.
Malema entered teenagerhood with a political bang, being elected chairperson of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) branch in Seshego. In 1995, he was also elected as the ANCYL regional chair.
At the age of 16, Malema extended his political repertoire by being appointed as the chair of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) for the Limpopo province. Malema’s involvement with the student movement paved the way for his trademark style of politically rambunctious engagement. In 2001, the feisty student leader was elected as the national president of COSAS.
In 2002, Malema organised a COSAS march through the streets of Johannesburg, which was marred by incidents of violence and looting.
The following year, Malema entered the public eye again while national president of COSAS. The student leader’s statements, which threatened the burning of police stations relating to jailing of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, would set the tone for his fervent future in the political arena.
Malema’s radical populist political ideology catapulted him to a seat of power in April 2008, when he was elected as president of the ANCYL. The election process was criticised for reports of voter intimidation.
At the helm of the mighty ANCYL, Malema redoubled his efforts to support the ruling party and its president, Jacob Zuma. This period of rule will forever be remembered with contempt. In defence of Zuma, Malema garnered criticism on a national scale but was well supported by high ranking members of the ruling party.
However, this political matrimony would soon end in spectacular fashion. While Malema’s re-election as ANCYL president, a post which he retained unopposed in 2011, could have been seen as a victory, behind the scenes, his political power within the party was unravelling.
On 18 April 2010, internal disciplinary procedures befell Malema. As a result of numerous misgivings, the ANC resolved to punish the Youth League leader for bringing the party into disrepute. His relationship with Zuma swiftly soured and in April 2012, less than a year after his re-election, Malema was expelled from ANC, as recommended by the National Disciplinary Committee.
This expulsion laid the foundation for political retribution.
In 2013, an embittered Malema announced the creation of a new political party which was founded to directly oppose the ANC. The Economic Freedom Fighters were born out of political vengeance, with Malema adopting the militaristic title of the party’s Commander in Chief (CIC).
Along with his former ANCYL colleague, Floyd Shivambu, CIC Malema adopted a strong revolutionary rhetoric which he imposed on the EFF. The Red Beret’s retained many of the ANC’s viewpoints but sought to become more extreme and pronounced.
Malema announced that the EFF would focus on communist ideals and support the expropriation of land without compensation along with the nationalising of all major industries. The party sought to attach Marxist theories to populist rhetoric thereby catering to the disenchanted masses.
In 2014, less than a year after the party’s formation, the EFF managed to secure 1 169 259 votes, 6.35%, and gain 25 seats in the National Assembly, as a result of the national elections. The EFF made a massive dent in the ANC’s support base in Malema’s home-province of Limpopo.
While the party has been criticised for it’s low vote count in the 2014 elections, statistics show that the General Elections in 2019 should see the EFF’s numbers swell to tangible opposition levels.
The relatively low vote count in 2014 does not undermine the very real influence that the EFF has on South Africa’s political landscape. In less than ten years, Malema has gone from being a marginal political player to one the most talked about politicians in the country.
In fact, the EFF’s political influence has challenged the dominance of the ANC, in terms of legislative undertakings, along with destabilising the Democratic Alliance (DA) with regards to local government coalitions.

Julius Malema has the propensity to be remembered as a defender of the poor – a political antagonist who used the political platform as a means to enact real socioeconomic change. Unfortunately, Malema’s infamy is a double-edged sword; one that has thrust the humble son of a domestic worker into the South African spotlight, but has also marginalised sections of society.
Malema will be best remembered for his controversies, which are numerous and varied – a hotbed of resentment and racial diatribe. It’s these controversies which saw Malema expelled from the ANC. The National Disciplinary Committee cited four major incidents, namely:

• Malema’s endorsement of Robert Mugabe during his visit to Zimbabwe, at a time when President Zuma was trying to broker a negotiated settlement in the country.
• A controversial incident between Malema and a BBC journalist, Jonah Fisher, whereby the ANCYL leader lambasted the reporter during a question and answer session. This incident led Zuma to publicly condemn Malema – a watershed moment.
• Malema’s comments on the murder of Eugène Terre’Blanche in 2010 which relate to the infamous “Shoot the Boer” (Dubul’ ibhunu) song.
• Malema’s unfavourable comparison of Zuma to his predecessor Thabo Mbeki, after Zuma called a press conference reprimanding Malema.

Malema angered many South Africans during his time at the helm of the ANCYL by singing struggle songs which alluded to the murder of whites and farmers. The song, “Ayasab’ amagwala” (The cowards are scared), had been previously defined as hate speech by the South African Human Rights Commission.
In 2010, the South Gauteng High Court ruled the singing of the song “unconstitutional and unlawful”. In its judgement, the court stated that anybody caught singing the song in public would face charges relating to the incitement to murder. In 2011, as a result of his disobedience, Malema was found guilty of hate speech.
Zuma himself eventually had to reign a defiant Malema in, following the latter’s refusal to obey the court order. This condemnation came in the wake of another scandal in 2008, whereby Malema stated that he would die in defence of the president. Malema told a Youth Day rally in Thaba Nchu in the Free State:

“We are prepared to die for Zuma. We are prepared to take up arms and kill for Zuma.”

Malema also defended Zuma during his rape scandal, stating that the alleged victim had “requested breakfast and taxi money” and as such, had a “nice time”.
Following his dismissal from the ANC, Malema backtracked on his statements supporting Zuma, resolving to remove the president from power because of his ‘corruption’.
In 2016, Malema caused further outrage by stating:

“[the EFF] are not calling for the slaughter of white people‚ at least for now.”

These idle threats against white South Africans have put Malema firmly in the crosshairs of civil rights groups, in particular, AfriForum, which is constantly engaged in litigation efforts against the EFF’s CIC.
Malema, although, in rhetoric, vehemently opposed to corruption and the misuse of state funds, has recently been implicated in fraudulent activities which have raised more than a few eyebrows from the party’s support base.
In 2012, Malema was charged with money laundering, relating to his awarding of lucrative government contracts in Limpopo in return for an alleged R4 million in kickbacks. The following year, Malema faced charges of tax evasion to the amount of R16 million. Malema has also been investigated by the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to financial irregularities regarding the Ratanang Trust.
The EFF has also been implicated in the VBS Mutual Bank saga, through Shivambu’s brother, Brian. Malema’s dubious association with alleged underworld kingpin, Adriano Mazzotti, has also come under scrutiny.

Julius Malema, interesting facts

• Julius Malema married his long-time girlfriend and had a son Munzhedzi in 2016. Their second son Kopano was born in 2018. Malema also has a son named Ratanang from a previous relationship with Maropeng Ramohlale.
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• Malema’s incredible weight-loss transformation has been well publicised. The EFF leader has attributed his physical transformation to a life of sobriety, healthy eating and exercise.
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• In December 2013, Malema was arrested for speeding 215 km/h in a 120 km/h zone in his BMW in Gauteng.
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• Malema obtained his BA Degree in Political Leadership and Citizenship from UNISA on 30 March 2016.

 Mangosuthu Buthelezi (IFP)

Mangosuthu Buthelezi is one of South Africa’s oldest and most respected political patriarchs; founder and leader of the once-mighty Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP).
Buthelezi’s meteoric rise the top of the political precipice is one which spans the test of time.
Through traditional tribal chiefdom under the oppressive apartheid regime, wading into a bloody political war in the approach to a democratic South Africa; Buthelezi, who has not been free of controversy and criticism, now in his autumn years, provides a stoic parliamentary presence.

Mangosuthu Buthelezi, born into the Zulu Royal family

Mangosuthu Buthelezi was born in Mahlabathini, KwaZulu-Natal, on 27 August 1928. Birthed by Princess Magogo kaDinuzulu directly into the Zulu Royal family, Buthelezi’s destiny as a great tribal leader was already set out before him.
Not much is known about Buthelezi’s formative years, other than factual details of his schooling. The Zulu heir was educated at Impumalanga Primary School, Mahashini, Nongoma from 1933 to 1943, then at Adams College, Amanzimtoti from 1944 to 1947.
From 1948 to 1950, Buthelezi studied at the University of Fort Hare in the Eastern Cape. It was here that the son of Princess Magogo kaDinuzulu would first be introduced to South Africa’s tumultuous political battlefield, by way of the feisty African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL).
Buthelezi’s involvement with the revolutionary political party at the forefront of the liberation struggle got him expelled from Fort Hare. Due to his expulsion emanating from political association and student boycotts, Buthelezi completed his degree in History and Bantu Administration at the University of Natal.
As the oppressive apartheid regime began to solidify itself into the social and legislative fabric of South Africa, a fresh-faced Buthelezi took a position with the Department of Native Affairs. In the 1950’s, racial segregation intensified; a precursor to homeland policies which would see black South African’s forced into areas based along ethnic lines.
While political upheaval was beginning to pick up momentum in this time, Buthelezi, in accordance with his ancestral birth right, inherited the chieftainship of the large Buthelezi tribe in 1953.
Buthelezi was, at the time, still affiliated with the ANC – but this was soon set to change. In 1960, the ANC was outlawed. Political affiliations, meetings, even being caught with party paraphernalia came with a hefty sentence.
The chief of the Buthelezi tribe found himself in a precarious position. His criticism of the apartheid government was well known, yet, by profession and ancestral ties, he was a government-approved homeland leader. Buthelezi was, essentially, an apartheid endorsed leader of six million Zulu citizens who had been fenced in by the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act No. 46 of 1959, and future legislative schemes which perpetuated segregation.

Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s political career

Buthelezi was appointed leader of the KwaZulu territorial Authority in 1970. Six years later he became chief minister of the semi-independent Bantustan of KwaZulu. It was at this time that he became branded as an apartheid regime collaborator by liberation movements, including the emerging Black Consciousness Movement.
In 1974, in an attempt to ease strained race relations in the country, and, arguably, as a way to disprove accusations of being an apartheid regime sympathiser, Buthelezi signed the Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith. This declaration, agreed upon by Buthelezi and United Party leader Harry Schwarz, served as a blueprint for racial peace in South Africa.
The Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith resolved to end racial segregation and oppression by means of non-violent engagement. The signing of this document, which was endorsed by many chief ministers of the black homelands and white liberals alike, was regarded as a ground-breaking development in the struggle for peace and equality.
It was also during this time, in 1975, that Buthelezi founded the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) – a revival of Inkatha we Sizwe which served as a cultural organisation in the 1920’s. This sleight of hand, to operate as a cultural committee rather than as a political party, meant that the IFP avoided being banned by the despotic apartheid government.
As a result of Buthelezi’s ancestral ties and administrative authority as KwaZulu’s Bantustan leader, membership of the IFP was almost exclusively Zulu.
Originally, the IFP was formed with support from the ANC. This relationship soured during the late 1970’s, when the ANC opted to engage the apartheid government with armed struggle by way of training and deploying Umkhonto we Sizwe – the military wing of the organisation, Spear of the Nation.
This fallout did little to dispute the claims regarding Buthelezi’s willingness to support the apartheid government. Despite numerous meetings between the two organisations, intended to iron out political and tribal differences, the IFP and ANC remained staunch enemies – a fact which would have devastating consequences in the run up to South Africa’s first democratic elections.
In the early 1980’s, as apartheid’s oppressive measures and isolation from the international community began to intensify, Buthelezi stood up to the government when it resolved to cede the Ingwavuma region in northern Natal to the Government of Swaziland. The subsequent court case, which was won by Buthelezi, was seen as a watershed moment.

Apartheid crumbles, IFP and ANC go to war

The seeds of tribal and political division sown during the 1970’s and 80’s would haunt the prospect of a free and fair South Africa in the runup to the 1994 elections. The IFP and ANC literally went to war from 1987 to 1991 in a contest for control of KwaZulu-Natal which led to the more than 18,000 deaths.
The bloodshed between the two parties continued, with claims that the IFP were being armed and funded to wreak havoc on the ANC in the runup to the first democratic elections. It was alleged that Buthelezi worked with apartheid military leader General Magnus Malan in the training of youth which would form part of a paramilitary unit.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) pointed to Buthelezi being a perpetrator of human rights violations as a result of the political war which unfolded in the runup to the democratic elections. Affidavits cited by the TRC revealed that the IFP, under Buthelezi’s command, used taxpayer money to train and arm an 8 000-member paramilitary force.
In conjunction with the violent war, Buthelezi sought to boycott South Africa’s first democratic elections. Afraid of being stripped of his administrative powers, which, for so long had elevated him to the position of king of the KwaZulu Bantustan, Buthelezi refused to stand at the 1994 general election.
In the scramble for power in a swiftly changing political landscape, Buthelezi also began warring with the Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini. Despite being related, the two leaders entered into a war of intimidation and threats. It was widely rumoured that King Zwelithini was planning to unseat Buthelezi as Zulu prime-minister, with his former prince.
Federal troops were allocated to guard Zwelithini against the possibility of a politically motivated attack at the hands of Buthelezi.
In the midst of all this violence and political tension, Buthelezi, in the eleventh hour, eventually agreed to end his boycott of the elections. Due to the bloodshed perpetuated by the IFP’s collusion with state-forces, the party lost support and only narrowly managed to win the elections in KwaZulu-Natal.
While relations between King Goodwill Zwelithini and Buthelezi have remained amicable in recent years, squabbles regarding political and monarchic rule persisted into the mid 1990’s.
In May 1994, Buthelezi was appointed Minister of Home Affairs; a position he held following the 1999 elections, too. During his tenure he was appointed as acting president on numerous occasions.
Buthelezi was also appointed to the Government of National Unity (GNU), a multi-party coalition which was tasked with correcting social and economic injustices left by the legacy of apartheid.

Notable achievements

Mangosuthu Buthelezi, who recently celebrated his 90^th birthday, has seen the worst of South Africa’s strife but has also been afforded the time to witness the birth of a democratic state.
The tireless IFP leader has abandoned his robust political rhetoric, which became his hallmark in the early 1990’s, and is now calculated and fair in his approach to political engagement.
Buthelezi is regarded as the grandfather of South Africa’s parliament – being the oldest member in the house.
At one time, Buthelezi was Chancellor of the University of Zululand and served on the standing committee of the Zululand Anglican Diocese, the council of St. Peter’s Seminary, of the council of the Inanda Seminary, and of the KwaZulu Conservation Trust.
Buthelezi has received several awards and honorary doctorate degrees for his intricate political and seriocomic involvement. The awards include the Knight Commander of the Star of Africa for outstanding leadership, an Honorary doctorate of law from the University of Zululand and the George Meaney Human Rights Award from the United States American Federation of Labour & Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL/CIO).

Mangosuthu Buthelezi: Interesting facts

• Mangosuthu Buthelezi married 2 July 1952 to Irene Audrey Thandekile Mzila, and they had three sons and five daughters.
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• Princess Latoya Buthelezi is Buthelezi’s granddaughter and is a singer better known by her stage name, Toya Delazy.
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• While studying at Fort Hare, Buthelezi mingled with Robert Magube, the controversial former president of Zimbabwe.
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• In 1963, Buthelezi served as adviser, and acted, on the film Zulu about the Battle of Rorke’s Drift. Buthelezi played the role of his real-life great-grandfather, King Cetshwayo kaMpande, alongside Michael Caine and Stanley Baker.
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• Buthelezi was great friends with multimillionaire Harry Oppenheimer. The relationship birthed the Mangosuthu Technikon in Umlazi, south of Durban.
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• A year before South Africa’s first democratic election, Buthelezi broke the record for the world’s longest-ever speech in an address he gave to the Natal legislature.
• Buthelezi acted as the President of South Africa a total of 22 times.
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• Buthelezi has held three traditional titles from birth: Umntwana waKwaphindangene shenge (Prince of Kwaphindangene), Inkosi yeSizwe sakwaButhelezi (Chief of the Buthelezi tribe), and UNdunankulu weSizwe samaZulu (Traditional Prime Minister of the Zulu Nation).

Zanele Kamagwaza-Msibi (NFP)

Ms Zanele kaMagwaza-Msibi is currently serving as the Deputy Minister of Science and Technology. She was born 1 February 1962. She holds a BA Degree from the University of Zululand and a Diploma in Local Government from the University of Durban Westville. Source: [profileengine.com] Ms kaMagwaza-Msibi was the former Mayor of Zululand District Municipality in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, and currently the President of the National Freedom Party (NFP). She was formerly chairperson of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the IFP's candidate for Premier of KwaZulu-Natal in the 2009 general election.On 7 May 2014 her new party successfully contested the 2014 South African general elections by receiving 288,742 (1.57%) of the national votes. This outcome placed the NFP in fifth place, behind the Inkatha Freedom Party,winning 6 seats in the National Assembly.

In South Africa, proportional representative method is used meaning all votes will be tallied  up and the amount of seats in the National Assembly is determined by their share of the vote. Every 0.25% of national vote is equivalent to one seat in parliament and there are 400 seats in South Africa's parliament and if a party secure 201 seats or more that party holds a majority.