Malawi @50: Is there anything to celebrate?

Former Malawi’s President Joyce Banda casts her vote for Malawi’s tripartite elections at Malemia School Polling centre, in her the home village on May 20, 2014. 

By Harvey C. Chidoba Banda

On July 6 2014, Malawi clocks 50 years since the attainment of independence from former colonial master, Britain. As is the case in many African countries, scholars have long debated the question of independence – whether or not (in this case) Malawi got genuine independence.
The dominant view is that Malawi, just like most African countries, got political and not economic independence! In other words, Africa never got weaned from her “colonial master” mother.
Even the so-called political independence leaves a lot to be desired: there is a lot of political bickering and undue in-fighting among people who are entrusted with the responsibility to administer development. Shameful indeed. Another pic after cut...

Newly elected Malawian President Peter Mutharika greets supporters after he was sworn in at the High Court in Blantyre, May 31, 2014.

In this article, I take a swipe over Malawi’s 50-year independence period with a view to predict what lies ahead bearing in mind that “history repeats itself”.
I argue that despite being independent for 50 years, based on what is obtaining on the ground politically and socio-economically, it is as if Malawians have only been independent half that time.
Around this time last year, I authored an article titled “Malawi at 49: Economic Misery or Progress?” in which I centrally argued that the economic challenges outweighed economic progress, as it were.

I argued that the independence celebration period was a moment for deep reflection and not a time for merry-making since there were so many areas which required both catching and patching up!
For instance, in terms of infrastructural development, Malawi continues to rely on genuine infrastructure that was put in place by the first president, Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda (1964-1994). It would, therefore, not be far from reality for one to argue that during the Silver Jubilee independence celebrations in 1989, there was something to showcase, hence to celebrate about.

However, this does not mean that everything was rosy. In fact, during this one-party, dictatorial rule Malawi had a bad human rights record where freedom, liberty and fraternity were more of a mere illusion. Yet some of these represented the very foundations on which the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) of Dr. Banda was, arguably, built.

In this article I argue that a year later, Malawi is worse off! Sadly, and realistically though, it is as if you are cycling downhill and while in motion your breaks snap! There are usually few options in such a hair-splitting scenario: you try to control (merely directing) “the now-uncontrollable” machine while, simultaneously, saying your last prayers just in case of a worst case scenario!
Malawi’s situation in the next 50 years is not known. I am not a pessimist; I am simply being realistic and objective. When things are good, tell it; when they are not, they are simply not. Period.

One of the notable developments in the history of Malawi is the introduction of multi-party politics and democratic governance in 1994. This actually replaced the once-mighty one party system under the then flamboyant “His Excellency, the Life President of the Republic of Malawi, Ngwazi Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda” (may his soul rest in peace).

Things improved politically after 1994. Malawians became freer than before. They could belong to a political party of their choice. The dominant political parties then were United Democratic Front (UDF) of Bakili Muluzi, Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) of Chakufwa Chihana, and MCP which eventually came under the tutelage of Gwanda Chakuamba and John Tembo, respectively.Although this was the case, democracy, good as it is, came with attendant problems: misinterpretation of human rights and freedoms by Malawians, especially the youth; laziness and dependency syndrome as Malawians relied more and more on handouts from the ruling UDF; and competition among the successive political leaders to carve for themselves and their party a lasting political legacy.

This seems to be the obsession of most political leaders up to the present day. Unfortunately, it is real time development that suffers since there is no continuity in government ideology and policies, themselves a sure foundation on which lasting development is solidly built. It is partly a result of this that the Karonga-Chitipa tarmac road, which is only 101 kilometres, long took more than 10 years to complete; again thanks to the timely intervention by the People’s Republic of China.

The same ugly story applies to the education sector. When Bakili Muluzi took over leadership in 1994, he had good intentions of increasing access to tertiary education following the hasty introduction of Free Primary Education. In order to realise this goal, he upgraded Mzuzu Teachers’ Training College (TTC) to university status, in the process establishing Malawi’s second public university, Mzuzu University.

The latter opened its doors to students in 1999. On paper the idea was very good. The government was eventually supposed to “relocate” the defunct TTC. Sadly, f15 years down the line, the construction of this TTC is yet to start!
Secondly, Mzuzu University was expected to be permanently located at the much-talked-about Choma Campus. Whole villages were relocated at the site and, alas, 15 years later the project is still in its infancy as no single block has been erected and the local people are left wondering: “why did you move us?”

Following the demise of Bingu Wa Mutharika, Mrs Joyce Banda took over the presidency in line with the provision in Malawi’s constitution. Banda was the first lady president and the fourth president since the attainment of independence.
Malawians including most people in Africa had high expectations from her leadership. A few months into her tenure, things started to improve for the better: fuel crises and maize shortages were a thing of the past. This was in stark contrast to the last years of Mutharika’s rule.

However, after barely one year, her reign was embroiled in a deep-seated financial mismanagement scam, locally dubbed the “Cashgate scandal” which actually shook the very foundation on which her political party, the now withering People’s Party (PP), was built. Millions of Malawi kwacha were looted from the government coffers at Capital Hill in Lilongwe.

To add salt to injury, Banda generally lacked political clout and stamina. No wonder the Tanzanians capitalised on this to claim part of Lake Malawi.
Malawians’ hope is now in the hands of the newly elected president, Professor Peter Mutharika, who has an uphill task to win the trust of Malawians because of his late brother’s faltering and hovering legacy.

Based on the foregoing discussion, it is clear that the second 25 years of Malawi’s independence (1989-2014) are associated with more problems not only on the political scene, but also on the economic arena.
Economically, Malawi started breathing a sigh of relief following the establishment of Kayerekera Uranium Mine in Karonga District around 2009. However, five years later, the mine has majored in retrenching her workers, citing losses on the international market.

Although all is not lost, Malawi’s leadership has to pull a surprise if the current socio-economic and political landscape is to improve. Malawi needs to overhaul the political engine if this political vehicle is to go another 50 years! This is in line with the old adage “unenesko ukubaba” (truth hurts). I rest my case. 

Harvey C. Chidoba Banda is a Lecturer in African History, Department of History, Mzuzu University. This article is reproduced from the African Executive.