Saturday 2 May 2015

Africa needs a plan to combat terrorism - weak state institutions compromise security By Mpumelelo Mkhabela




The mayhem wrought by Boko Haram in Nigeria should cause sleepless nights for African leaders.
The recent siege of Garissa University college in Kenya where more than a hundred students were massacred also calls for a systemic response.
Widespread condemnation, though crucial, does not constitute a plan.
The Islamic extremists are posing a serious threat to the very existence of the modern state.
In Africa, where the modern democratic state is fairly new, weak and relatively easy to sabotage, the spread of terrorist groups could spell disaster.


So daring are terrorist groups that their caliphate endeavours in some parts of the world have earned them the undeserved title "Islamic states".
The sociologist Marx Weber defined the state as a having the monopoly over the legitimate use of violence within a territory.
The "Islamic states" have no source of legitimacy for their force. They are not recognised legal entities.

The so-called Islamic states seek to introduce a dictatorship, based on the misguided interpretation of religion.
Their aim is to overthrow the modern and largely secular democratic state.
It took centuries - and blood of millions of people - for the democratic state as we know it in many parts of the world today to emerge as an almost universally acceptable authority.
Here in South Africa yesterday, we celebrated 21 years of the democratic state's existence.

No country is immune from terrorist attacks. But there are basics that can be done to minimise possible attacks, mitigate the consequences or help the modern state to fight back in the event of an attack.
First, a state with strong institutions is likely to succeed in preventing or fighting internal and external threats.
A strong state, or a capable state, to use the language of the National Development Plan, is one that is competently responsive to the needs of citizens.

Those who seek to strengthen state institutions in South Africa, for example, are helping to build a strong shield. Citizens and politicians who seek to weaken or destroy such institutions for selfish, short-term reasons pose a security threat. Politicians can weaken state capacity through among other things corruption.
Second, well-resourced state security apparatus must be protected from corrupt influences.
Have we ever wondered what if the Gupta wedding plane had carried terrorists who would have gone on to take over the Waterkloof Airforce base because someone within the state was said to have authorised its landing through informal networks?

Strong states can also be victims of terrorist attacks. The attacks on the US on September 2011 proved that terrorists can strike at the heart of the most sophisticated modern state.
But a modern state is more likely to recover and fight back than a weak state. The US through its powerful and expansive military killed Osama bin Laden, suspected of being the mastermind of the attacks.

Nigeria is an example of a weak state that is failing to thwart Boko Haram within its own territory.
Thirdly, social cohesion should be instrumental in beefing up the security of the state.
Many countries, including South Africa boast diverse cultures, races and religions.
It is important that these are used as a strength in line with the preamble of our constitution.
Strong national cohesion means differences are celebrated but are not overemphasised at the expense of nationhood.

The failure of our government to craft migration policies that foster social cohesion is not only a cause of xenophobic attacks, it also makes the country vulnerable to attacks because the borders are porous. The government must overhaul all policies that relate to migration and restructure the immigration branch at home affairs.

The importance of social cohesion and loyalty to the democratic state was demonstrated when Afrikaans-speaking officers infiltrated the Boeremag and destroyed it. For the uninitiated, the Boeremag wanted to overthrow the government, remove all blacks and drive them through the N1 to Zimbabwe.
Today the Boeremag leaders are languishing in jail.

The moral of the story is that we must guard against the alienation of some racial groups - and foreigners.
Fourth, there must be religious education in schools to expose all pupils to widely practised religions. It does not have to be for exam purposes.
But it can arm pupils with the tools to resist attempts to manipulate them to join wars based on wrong religious teachings.

Good religious education would make it difficult for the terrorists to recruit young volunteers through supposedly religions messages.
Fifth, there is a need to give young people hope and a meaningful say in matters political.
For years child soldiers have been a common denominator in wars across Africa. Now some have become walking suicide bombers.
In South Africa, young people are the face of xenophobic attacks and violent protests.
Young people with a stake in the political system through legitimate means are less likely to be vulnerable to the lure of a political order that can only be established if they became killers.
The voting age must be reduced from 18 to 14. Nelson Mandela campaigned for this. It's about time we revived it.

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