President Vladimir Putin put the annexation of Crimea on a fast track Tuesday morning, ordering the drafting of an accession agreement between Crimea and Russia.
Later in the day he will be making an unusual address to a joint session of the Russian parliament, where he will lay out his plans for the region.


The speech comes as a defiant Russia shows no sign of bending to American or European pressure over the Crimea crisis, which has turned into the sharpest confrontation between Moscow and the West since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979.
The Crimean parliament voted Monday to request “reunification” with the Russian Federation, and Putin officially recognized its independence from Ukraine a few hours later. This was a first step toward formal accession.

Ahead of Putin’s speech, U.S. officials continued diplomatic consultations, and the government in Ukraine took steps to try to calm tensions with their superpower neighbor.
Vice President Joe Biden landed in Warsaw on Tuesday morning, where he will confer with Polish and Estonian leaders over the situation in Ukraine and Russia’s actions there. In the evening he intends to fly onward to Lithuania for similar meetings.
One senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the vice president’s plans, said his trip is “first and foremost to reassure our allies that we are deeply concerned about Russia’s action in Ukraine and what the deeper implications might be.”

The adviser said Biden will discuss measures that would be taken “in the days and weeks ahead,” building on financial sanctions imposed on 11 Russian and Ukrainian officials that President Obama announced Monday but that appeared to have little effect on Putin’s calculations.

In Kiev, Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk gave a nationally televised address on Tuesday in which — pointedly using the Russian language — he pledged Ukraine would not join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and sought to reassure ethnic Russians and the government in Moscow.
Yatsenyuk took office after mass demonstrations ousted a pro-Russian government. His quickly developing ties with the U.S. and Europe upset Russian officials and helped prompt a Russian push into Crimea.
Now, with Crimea apparently on the verge of becoming part of Russia, Yatsenyuk said he knows there are limits.

“Association with NATO is not on the agenda,” he said, offering the possibility of reforms that would give the country’s regions more power, something Moscow has suggested.“Despite the armed aggression of Russia against Ukraine, I will do everything possible not only to keep the peace but also to build a genuine partnership with Russia and good neighbor relations.”

In Sevastopol, Igor Kifelevich, when he heard that Putin had recognized Crimea’s independence, leapt to his feet and kissed his wife, certain that annexation is only days away.
“Germany didn’t get Crimea and now Western Ukraine doesn’t get it either,” said the retired Russian Navy seaman, sipping coffee in the central Nakhimov Square. “The air is easier to breathe today!”
Workers around a stage in the square where fireworks went off Monday night were preparing to broadcast Tuesday’s speech by the now wildly popular Putin.

“Crimea is already Russia,” said Vladimir Popov, an engineer.
Kiril Somov, deputy director of a Moscow cultural and commercial center in Sevastopol, said nobody doubted Putin would recognize and accept Crimea into Russia. But. But he said it will not be easy to establish friendly relations with the spurned Ukraine, which still vows not to cede Crimea.
“The transition will be hard,” he said. “It will take time for people in Ukraine to realize we are not their enemies.”

Members of the State Duma, or lower house of parliament, taunted the West over financial sanctions that the United States, the European Union and Canada have put in place against several dozen individuals. Some of those on the lists, which are intended to punish officials involved in the Ukrainian crisis, said they were proud to be included.

The Duma drew up a draft response denouncing the sanctions Tuesday morning. Olga Batalina, of the ruling United Russia party, said in presenting the statement, “The U.S. has gotten so absorbed with playing the policy of double standards that it has stopped distinguishing black from white and patriots from fascists. They are so convinced of their own impunity that they allow themselves to pursue any stance just for the sake of it.”

The E.U. sanctions list targets members of the parliament and mid-level government officials. But the E.U. ambassador to Russia, Vygaudas Usackas, told the Interfax news agency that the sanctions list could soon be expanded. France announced that it may halt the $1.8 billion sale of two Mistral class warships to Russia, the foreign minister, Laurent Fabius, told France’s TF1 television channel.
The ships were due to be delivered in 2015, to become part of Russia’s Black Sea fleet, based in Crimea.
“If Putin carries on like this, we could consider canceling these sales,” Fabius said.

Valentina Matviyenko, speaker of the upper house of parliament, said she expects Crimea’s accession to proceed quickly. Matviyenko, who is on the American sanctions list, said that following the signing of a treaty between Russia and what it now recognizes as an independent Crimea, a transition period will allow for the adoption of new legislation in Crimea to bring it in compliance with Russian law.
When that is complete, she said, Russia’s constitution can be amended to allow for accession.
Crimea has already decided to adopt the ruble as its official currency and advance the clocks by two hours to be on Moscow time.

Legislators in the renamed parliament, the State Council of the Republic of Crimea, nullified Ukrainian laws and nationalized all Ukrainian state property on Monday. On March 30, Crimea will switch time zones. And starting April 1, pensions will be paid in rubles, though the Ukrainian hryvnia will not be phased out until January 2016.

On the heels of a referendum in which almost 97 percent of voters supported breaking away from Ukraine, the rapid-fire changes left some Crimeans uneasy about what will happen next.
“All those people were out there waving flags in the streets last night, but the rest of us are just waiting — for what, we don’t know,” said Dimitry Kozimov, a cafe manager in the Crimean capital, Simferopol, who is worried because his supplies of fresh meat from Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, have stopped. He has more questions than answers. Will his liquor license cost more? Can he still commute between his home in Ukraine and his job in a new Russian territory? Will he be taxed twice? “The only thing I’m sure of is that this is going to be a very difficult time for us.”

The whirlwind of activity by lawmakers failed to quell a pervasive sense of limbo — among Ukrainian troops stationed at Crimean bases and the region’s minority Muslim Tatar population. As the complicated unwinding began, many wondered whether they fit in.

At a Ukrainian military base in Belbek, outside Sevastopol, troops said they would fight to the last man if ordered by their commanders in Kiev. But they may be offered a choice: to stay and serve in a reconfigured force under Russian control or head back to what’s left of Ukraine.
“Something is going to happen. But we don’t know what,” said a soldier at the base, where Russians control the airstrip and Ukrainians run the rest of the facility.

Nearby, at base A2991, relations are warmer. Russian and Ukrainian troops swap food and hot water, and Russian soldiers stationed across the road charge cellphones from an extension cord run over to them by the Ukrainians.

“This is friendship between Slavic people,” shouted a soldier plugging in his phone to the makeshift power supply. He gave his name as Pavel and said he is from central Russia.
Dmitri Kozackovich, the Ukrainian deputy commander at the base, shrugged.
“They’ve been camping out there for three weeks,” he said of the Russians.
At another base in the area, A2355, marooned officers said there is no sign of promised reinforcements and hinted at a sense of abandonment.

“Don’t forget we exist,” said a major who gave only his first name, Yuri.
Among the more anxious groups are the 300,000 Crimean Tatars, many of whose leaders boycotted the referendum and challenged its honesty.

“There is just no way these figures are right,” said Mustafa Abliazov, a member of the ­Simferopol council for Crimean Tatars. “It was clear they decided way ahead of time that everything would be falsified. For
Tatars, this is a big threat. We are an unarmed and law-abiding people, but how can we tolerate something like this?”
Simferopol streets that had been filled with celebratory throngs Sunday night after the vote were quiet Monday. Some Crimeans pondered their next steps.
“Some of my friends have already left. I’m going to wait and watch events and gather my courage,” said

Dennis Matzola, 26, who had protested against the referendum and said he had found leaflets with his name and photograph pasted on neighborhood walls, telling people to report him as a traitor.
Yet many Crimeans remained jubilant at the referendum’s result.
In downtown Sevastopol, small groups huddled against an icy wind and shouted the name of Putin and sang the Russian national anthem — or at least what they knew of it.

Valentina Slavchenko, 58, said she woke up Monday at 6 a.m. in a joyous mood. She works at a hospital, where all the official paperwork and all the medication labels are written in Ukrainian, which she does not speak. She said she spent years doing her job with the help of a Russian-Ukrainian dictionary and translation pages on the Internet.

“We are all so happy now,” she said. “They should have made Ukraine a country with two official languages. If they had shown us more respect, we could have lived in Ukraine. Now I’m sure they regret it.”
Anthony Faiola in Kiev and Scott Wilson in Warsaw contributed to this report.